Syria is a land of rich cultural and religious diversity, home to numerous ethnic and religious groups who have shaped its history for centuries. From Shias to Alawites, Druze, and the Kurds, these communities have contributed to Syria’s social fabric while also facing periods of marginalisation and conflict.
It is nearly impossible to get accurate information on Syria’s demographics. The decades-long civil war has changed the demographics over the years, and the latest political developments since the fall of the Bashar al-Assad government have added to the complexity. However, this article makes an attempt at exploring the historical presence, struggles, and resilience of different groups in Syria, highlighting their role in the country’s past and the challenges they continue to face in an uncertain future.
Sunnis of Syria
Prior to the civil war, Sunni Muslims made up about 70 per cent of the Syrian population (if you include the Kurds) and reside throughout the country. The term ‘Sunni’, comes from ‘Ahl as-Sunnah’, which translates to “tradition”. This sect of Islam believes that Prophet Muhammad was the final prophet to mankind and he explicitly left no successor. Sunni Muslims regard their denomination as the mainstream and traditionalist branch, as distinguished from the minority denomination, the Shi’a.
Traditionally, Sunni Muslims in Syria have held significant economic and social power, with many influential families from Sunni backgrounds. However, the political landscape shifted in the 20th century when the Ba’ath Party, dominated by the Alawite minorities, took control. While the fate of many Alawites was linked to that of their patrons in the Ba’ath party, the situation was dissimilar for the Sunni Muslims of Syria. Key posts in the State, especially the military, were held mostly by Alawites. However, the comparatively small population of Alawites meant that the government had to rely on a huge network of Sunni businessmen. The al-Assad government presented itself as a protector of all religious minorities, though some reports suggested otherwise. The nature of prevailing demographics, where the Sunni Muslims were the majority, resulted in the Sunni population bearing the larger brunt of the government’s oppression.
The Sunni opposition to the Alawite-led government intensified over decades, culminating in the Syrian Civil War where Sunni-majority rebel factions challenged the state. Post the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government, Syria is now being governed by President Ahmed al-Sharaa, a Sunni Muslim leader.
The Alawites
Alawites are an Arab ethnoreligious group, founded by Ibn Nusayr (the disciple of the tenth Twelver Imam) in the 9th century. It is often grouped as an offshoot of Shia Islam. However, they are considered a separate sect due to some key differences: Alawites give Ali (the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad) divine status and consider him to be the reincarnation of God. They also incorporate beliefs from other religions such as Christianity and Zoroastrianism, leading to different practices not shared by the Shiites. They do not insist upon formal daily Muslim prayers and do not forbid alcohol. Their interpretation of the Quran, which is regarded as one of their holy books, has little in common with the more literalist Shia and indeed Sunni Muslim interpretation.
The Alawites make up roughly 10-15 per cent of Syria’s population. Historically, they have been concentrated in the coastal regions of Syria, mainly Latakia. They also contribute substantially to the demographics in the towns of Homs and Hama (and the outlying villages of those towns), and the capital city Damascus.
During Ottoman rule, the Alawites were a marginalized community. They experienced severe oppression and persecution under the Ottomans. However, things changed around dramatically in the 20th century, when Syria gained independence and the Ba’ath Party came to power. Alawites under the presidency of Hafez al-Assad and later his son, Bashar al-Assad experienced significant improvement in their status. Alawites were closely associated with the ruling elite, and they held many important posts. Despite this, some of the community remained relatively poor, and the Sunni-Alawite divisions persisted. The civil war further deepened sectarian divisions. Many Alawites feared a significant danger, particularly from opposition groups, and thus remained loyal to al-Assad rule fearing oppression if it fell.
During the rapid offence by rebel factions fighting the al-Assad rule, many Alawites fled the city of Homs ahead of its capture. Post the collapse of the Assad government, there exists uncertainty about the future of Alawites in Syria. Old videos of the Alawite shrine being attacked have resurfaced, inciting unrest among the sect. There are fears that the new government may impose policies that are in contrast to the Alawite way of life.
So far, President al-Sharaa has consistently stated that the Alawite sect will be part of the new Syria and that there will be no oppression against the community. He claims that those involved in crimes during the Assad regime will be held accountable via a justice system, not via vigilantism. HTS officials have also held meetings with local Alawite representatives. The group’s treatment in the future will be a reflection of the new Syria’s religious tolerance and state-building.
All Alawites respect most of the prophets, including Jesus. Many Alawites believe in reincarnation. Alawites generally keep all of the festivals of Ashura, Eid al Adha, Eid al Fitr, Christmas, Easter and Passover. Alawites call God, “The Great Unknown”.
The Kurds
The Kurds are an indigenous group of people, originally from the Mesopotamian plains and highlands, which is now a contiguous area spread from south-eastern Turkey, north-eastern Syria, northern Iraq and north-western Iran. Some are also present in the southwestern regions of Armenia. This region entire is often claimed by the Kurds as the “Land of Kurds/Kurdistan”.
In Syria, the Kurds are one of the largest ethnic minority groups, roughly making up 10 per cent of the population. Many of the Syrian Kurds have Turkish origins, having immigrated in the 20th century to escape repression. Most practice Sunni Islam and speak the Kurdish language. They are concentrated in three main pockets in northern Syria, collectively referred to as Western Kurdistan/Rojava – Hasakah province, Kobani, and the Afrin region. There are also substantial Kurdish communities in Aleppo and Damascus.
Despite their long history, the Kurds have never been able to establish a permanent nation-state. Post World War One, Kurds were promised but denied a Kurdish state, thus leaving them as minorities facing continuous oppression from governments. During the Ba’athist rule in Syria, the Kurds have routinely faced discrimination and harassment. Some have been denied citizenship, and have had restrictions on using their Kurdish language. They did not have any political representation up until 2011.
The Kurds in Syria have organized themselves in political and military units. The Democratic Union Party/PYD is the main Kurdish political group, while the People’s Protection Units/YPG is the Kurdish military force. The Kurds are also part of the Syrian Democratic Forces, fighting alongside the Arab militias and Assyrians against the Islamic State in Syria, backed by the United States. In Turkey, the Kurdish community has grouped itself into the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (or PKK), considered a terrorist group by the Turkish government.
The Kurds in Syria have faced decades of oppression and discrimination, but emerged as a major political and military force, especially during the Syrian Civil War. While they dominate the northern and northeastern parts of Syria, their future remains uncertain due to threats from Turkey, the shifting U.S. policy, and the uncertainty in the Syrian government under President al-Sharaa.
Shia Muslims
The second largest Islamic sect practised in Syria is the Shia branch. Shia Islam was strengthened in Syria due to its perceived strategic alliance with Iran and Hezbollah, both of which were allies of the Assad family. The Shia community is further divided into two branches:
- Twelver Shias: This major branch of Shia Islam believes that the Twelve Imams (divinely ordained leaders) are the successors of the Prophet Mohammed. They are majorly present in Iran, an ally of the former al-Assad government. Syria’s alliance with Iran during the Assad family rule has arguably aided in the spread of Twelver Shia Islam in Syria.
Both Alawites and the Twelver Shia differ from Sunnis in their belief that Imam Ali and the 11 imams after him were the rightful leaders of the Muslim community after Prophet Mohammed. However, Alawites differ from the Twelver Shia community in their celebration of Christmas, interpretation of Islamic practices such as fasting and almsgiving, and belief in the transmigration of the soul after death (reincarnation).
The Twelver community is majorly concentrated in the cities of Damascus, and Nubl and al-Zahraa cities of Aleppo province. - Ismailis: This minor branch of the Shia sect separated from the greater branch over the recognition of the Seventh Imam. The community is largely concentrated in the Hama governorate’s city of Salamiyah, often called the Ismaili capital.
The Druze
This Arabic, religious minority group, present majorly in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Israel, is an offshoot of the Ismaili Shia Islam faith. They are a tightly-knit, unique religious group with a mix of Islamic, philosophical and esoteric beliefs.
Despite having roots in Islam, their identity is distinct. All Druze practice monotheism and believe in an indefinite cycle of reincarnation. They are secretive and do not accept converts. Unlike the Islamic faith, they do not follow the Five Pillars of Islam.
In Syria, most Druze live in Jabal al-Druze of Suwayda province, south of Damascus and on the southeast slopes of Mount Hermon. They have largely maintained a degree of autonomy and neutrality, though occasionally clashing with the government and rebel forces. During the Syrian Civil War, the Druze community has largely avoided aligning with any side, instead focusing on local governance. Post the fall of the al-Assad government, fake news was shared on social media accusing the Druze in Quneitra governorate of wishing to be under Israeli rule. Local leaders collectively denied the allegations.
Other religious and ethnic minorities
Christians
Christians in Syria, including Greek Orthodox, Syriac Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, and Catholics, have historically enjoyed relative religious freedom. However, the rise of extremist groups such as ISIS has led to mass persecution and migration. Once constituting about 10% of the population, the Christian presence in Syria has significantly dwindled due to war and displacement.
Yazidis, Turkmen, Circassians, and Armenians
The Yazidis, an ethno-religious group with roots in ancient Mesopotamian traditions, have faced severe persecution, particularly from ISIS. Though their numbers in Syria are relatively small, their suffering during the conflict has highlighted the vulnerability of minority groups.
Syria is also home to ethnic minorities such as Turkmen, Circassians, and Armenians, many of whom have lived in the region for centuries. While these groups have generally integrated into Syrian society, the war has forced many to flee, particularly Armenians and Circassians, who have sought refuge in their ancestral homelands.
In Conclusion
At a time when the world is questioning the HTS-led takeover in Damascus, the new government’s treatment of different religious and ethnic groups will provide concrete information regarding its true stance on religious tolerance, transitional justice, and state-building.
Humanitarian aid and diplomatic relations with the next government must be conditioned on equal rights for minorities. Otherwise, Syria may once again become a hotspot for endless sectarian bloodshed.
