The pictures from Gaza used in this post came in from the head of NCF Gaza, Adel Zaanoon, at 10 am Jerusalem time this morning, Thursday 12 October 2023. The picture above shows the targeting of a house belonging to the Baroud family behind Abu Marqa Tower in the Western Camp, west of Rafah; a number were killed here, and pictured below and at the end of this post are children among the wounded who were transferred to Rafah hospital.
“We are at war […] we will win” Netanyahu’s words rang loudly after Hamas’s surprise attack on Israel, which has thus far taken over 1,200 Israeli lives. The retaliatory air strikes in Gaza have taken over 1,100 Palestinian lives as of this morning (the reported figure thus far though the actual figure may be considerably higher). Both numbers continue to rise as the violence accelerates at an unprecedented rate. However, it was not Netanyahu’s words that solidified the latest developments as the start of the war. It was the vote held by Israel’s security cabinet shortly after Hamas’s attack on the 7th of October. This vote enacted Clause 40 of the Basic Laws, the equivalent of a national constitution. The clause stipulates that the country cannot go to war without a government decision. So, a vote was held in the cabinet which was endorsed by the prime minister, the foreign minister Eli Cohen, and the minister of national security Itamar Ben-Gvir.
Why was this ‘official’ declaration important? The military now has the right to act as they see fit, and then report their actions to higher authorities. It means that Israel is now placing the country’s logistical capabilities and infrastructure at the disposal of the army. This is a green light for the calling up of the reserves. All of the country’s resources are now at the army’s disposal, something which indicates the depth of the shock caused by the attack from Hamas.
This is the first time the clause has been enacted since the Yom Kippur War in 1973. During this war, a smaller group of ministers was formed within the cabinet who would take the responsibility of making the most fundamental decisions.
As a result of the recent attacks, the country’s main opposition party has proposed the formation of a coalition government to deal with the ongoing war. The leader of the National Unity Party, Benny Gantz, also proposed that a war cabinet be formed with “representatives from [his] party as well as ‘relevant ministers’ chosen by Netanyahu.” He implied that he would not accept ministers without adequate military experience.
While the deal was being negotiated, there were already conditions being set by other cabinet members. The Minister of National Security Itamar Ben Gvir is one of these members. He has said he will only agree to a unity government if its “stated goal is the total defeat of Hamas and the shattering of its military and political might.” Although the news about the coalition government is still unfolding, Netanyahu’s government has agreed to form a coalition with Gantz and they have met to discuss what this will look like. The new war cabinet itself has now been agreed upon and has five members: The war cabinet consists of Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister, Yoav Gallant, the minister of defense, and former Chief of the General Staff, Benny Gantz. There are two observers, Gadi Eizenkot and Ron Dermer.
A key figure in the cabinet is Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. As the top military official in the cabinet, he has already been at the helm in response to the attack. One of Gallant’s most drastic actions has been a total blockade on goods and services to the Gaza Strip. While the area already faced many restrictions before the attack, Gallant has said that there will be no food, water, electricity, or fuel coming in. This will impact the lives of the estimated 2.3 million people who live in Hamas-run Gaza. Their fate is yet to be determined.
The creation of a coalition government will add a wider range of voices to the top decision-making cabinet in Israel. The Blue and White Party have displayed more willingness to negotiate with Palestinian authorities in the past. While their platform has never included the recognition of Palestinian statehood, having them in the room might mean that the government takes pause before going forward with the more drastic military action it might otherwise deploy.
For yesterday’s report see this link
